Luxury homes and squatters in Spain
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Illegal squatting in Spain has taken on a new profile. It is no longer limited to abandoned flats in peripheral neighbourhoods, but now includes villas with swimming pools, holiday homes, and luxury penthouses left vacant for part of the year. These occupations are no longer driven by vulnerable families, but by organised networks that understand the legal loopholes in the system and know how to exploit them.

“High-value vacant properties have become a strategic target for those well aware of the weaknesses in the Spanish legal framework,” explains Sandra Aurrecoechea Ríos, a lawyer specialising in Civil, Mortgage and Real Estate Law and a partner at Marín & Mateo Abogados. “We are no longer talking about squatting out of necessity, but about groups that deliberately select luxury properties knowing that the system can take months to respond.”

From Sitges to Marbella: where high-end squatting is happening

The phenomenon is particularly concentrated in areas with a high density of second homes: the Catalan coast, the Valencian Community, Madrid and Andalusia. Villas left closed for months, poorly monitored residential developments, and properties undergoing inheritance proceedings create ideal conditions for these occupations.

According to the latest data from the Ministry of the Interior (Crime Statistics Report 2024, published in April 2025), Catalonia leads in reported squatting cases, with 6,300 incidents – 38% of the national total. It is followed by Andalusia, the Valencian Community and Madrid, each with between 1,400 and 3,000 reports a year.

Although official statistics do not distinguish between luxury homes and other types of property, specialised firms report a clear increase in enquiries related to high-value second homes over the past two years.

48 hours: the "make or break" between getting your house back or waiting months

Spanish law makes a crucial distinction that many property owners overlook: if squatting is reported within 48 hours and affects a primary or secondary residence, the police can act immediately. However, if the property is officially vacant or unoccupied, judicial intervention is required, and the process takes significantly longer.

“Every hour counts,” warns Aurrecoechea. “But every step must be taken correctly. Cutting off supplies, changing locks or negotiating directly with squatters can be considered coercion. Only a judge or the police can order an eviction.”

This distinction between trespassing (a criminal offence with a swift response) and squatting (a much slower civil process) is precisely what organised networks exploit. They know that if the owner does not act within the first 48 hours, the legal process can drag on for six to 18 months.

In 2018, the government passed Law 5/2018, the “express eviction law,” intended to expedite the recovery of illegally occupied homes. In theory, the procedure should take just a few weeks. In practice, its impact has been limited.

“The Spanish legal framework continues to offer disproportionate protection to squatters compared to legitimate owners,” criticises Aurrecoechea. “Civil proceedings often drag on, and when squatters claim vulnerability, social services may intervene, postponing eviction for weeks or months.”

The result: homeowners continue paying mortgages, taxes and utilities for a property they cannot use, while squatters remain inside, protected by a system that prioritises social reports over property rights.

“Professional squatters”: strategic and far from vulnerable

The change in profile is clear. A decade ago, squatting was largely a response to social exclusion; today, many cases result from premeditated strategies.

Experts note a recurring pattern: groups identify empty homes via real estate platforms or social media, force entry using professional tools, change the locks and move in with falsified rental documents. Some even sublet rooms or register their address at the local town hall.

“These people are fully aware of the judicial process and know that, once inside, they have months to operate,” explains Aurrecoechea. “They present false contracts, claims of vulnerability and administrative appeals – anything to delay the process as long as possible.”